Ahmad Faris Al-Shidyaq: In quest of another modernity

Cambridge University Press

Al-Shidyaq, bearer of "the possible modernity": Work, not Education, as the motor of renaissance; the repression of female instinct as the basis of male domination—and peasant revolts, not the European "spark," as his context.

Ahmad Faris Shidyaq: An Arab Traveller in 19th Century Europe

Shidyaq: a deacon who converted, the first Arab socialist—and 121 years on, his Muslim name still embarrasses his Maronite village.

Do Collective Rights Contribute to Conflict Resolution? The case of Lebanon

Politicized sects are enlarged patronage networks shielding members from the market and covering predation—and the solution lies in the existing constitution: a Senate for sects, a non-sectarian House for citizens, plus social justice.

A Collective History for Lebanon

Qantara.de

The solid confessional blocs only emerged in the mid-19th century — before that, leaders were secular, and in 1820, Christians, Druze, Shia, and Sunnis rebelled together against taxes.

The Woes of Confessionalism

As-Safir

Translation of two columns from as-Safir: Yousif Bey Karam said it in 1867—sectarian division invites external domination. The question: "Do we change the system or the people?"

Lebanon on the Brink

As-Safir

Translation from as-Safir after Gemayel's assassination: sectarian division invites external domination since 1867—and when the Lebanese unite, they do so despite the confessional system and against it.

Calling Things by Their Name

The Hezbollah-FPM alliance is rooted in shared marginalization, and the confessional system is a "regime of obstruction" forcing people to squeeze rights through pinholes—"Do we change the system or the people?"

Palestine In The “Fatal Triangle”

Chiha reduced Palestine from a "project of planetary domination" to "difficulties"—and for the first and last time, he defended industry.